Richard Charnin

June 23, 2012

Updated: Aug.22,2013

In any statistical study, the best data must first be collected. The following election fraud analysis is based on the 1988-2008 Unadjusted State and National Exit Poll Spreadsheet Database.

The data source is the Roper Center Public Opinion Archives. Exit polls are available for 274 state presidential elections, 50 in each of the 1992-2008 elections and 24 in 1988. This graph summarizes the discrepancies between the 1988-2008 State Exit Polls vs. the corresponding Recorded Votes

Exit polls are surveys conducted in selected voting precincts that are chosen to represent the overall state voting population demographic. Voters are randomly selected as they leave the precinct polling booth and asked to complete a survey form indicating 1) who they just voted for, 2) how they voted in the previous election, 3) income range, 4) age group, 5) party-id (Democrat, Republican, Independent), 6) philosophy (liberal, moderate, conservative), and many other questions.

In this analysis we consider the most important question: who did you vote for? Having this information, we calculate the discrepancy between the state exit poll and the recorded vote count. **Note that respondents are not asked to provide personal information. There is no excuse for not releasing exit poll/voting results for each of the 1400+ exit poll precincts. There is no privacy issue.**

**Key results**

– Republican presidential vote shares exceeded the corresponding unadjusted exit poll shares in 232 of the 274 state elections for which there is exit poll data. The probability that 232 would *red-shift* to the Republicans is ZERO. One would normally expect that approximately 137 would shift to the Republicans.

– Of the 274, there were 55 state elections in which Republicans won the vote and the Democrats won the exit poll. Conversely, the Republicans lost only two elections (Iowa and Minnesota in 2000) in which they won the exit poll. The probability of this occurrence is virtually ZERO. If the elections were fair, the number of flips would be nearly equal.

– The exit poll *margin of error* (described below) was exceeded in 135 of the 274 polls. The probability is ZERO. The statistical *expectation * is that the margin of error (MoE) would be exceeded in 14 polls (5%).

– 131 of the 135 exit polls in which the MoE was exceeded moved to the recorded vote in favor of the Republican *(“red shift”)*. There is a ZERO probability that the one-sided shift was due to chance. It is powerful evidence beyond any doubt of pervasive *systemic election fraud.*

**The Ultimate Smoking Gun that proves Systemic Election Fraud:**

**Basic Statistics and the True Vote Model**

The True Vote Model (TVM) is based on current and previous election votes cast (Census), voter mortality and returning voter turnout. * Published National Exit Poll (NEP) vote shares were applied to new and returning voters. The TVM closely matched the corresponding unadjusted exit polls in each election. It shows that the exit poll discrepancies were primarily due to implausible and/or impossible adjustments required to force the NEP to match the recorded vote. The exit polls were forced to match the recorded votes by adjusting the implied number of returning voters from the previous election. These adjustments are clearly indicated by the percentage mix of returning voters in the current election.*.

The bedrock of statistical polling analysis is the Law of Large Numbers. As the number of observations in a survey increases, the average will approach the theoretical mean value. For instance, in coin flipping, as the number of flips increase, the average percentage of heads will approach the theoretical 50% mean value.

The Normal distribution is considered the most prominent probability distribution in statistics (“the bell curve”). It is used throughout statistics, natural sciences, and social sciences as a simple model for complex phenomena. For example, the observational error in an election polling is usually assumed to follow a normal distribution, and uncertainty is computed using this assumption. Note that a normally-distributed variable has a symmetric distribution about its mean.

The Binomial distribution calculates the probability P that a given number of events (successes) would occur in n trials given that each trial has a constant probability p of success. For instance, the probability of flipping heads (a success) is 50%.

The Poisson distribution calculates the probability of a series of events in which each event has a very low probability. For instance, there is a 5% (1 in 20) probability that the recorded vote share will differ from the exit poll beyond the MoE.

The Binomial distribution converges towards the Poisson as the number of trials (n) approaches infinity while the product (np) remains fixed (p is the probability). Therefore the Poisson distribution with parameter λ = np can be used as an approximation to the Binomial distribution B(n,p) if n is sufficiently large and p sufficiently small.

The exit poll margin of error is based on the number of respondents and the “cluster effect” (assumed as 0.30). The Margin of Error Calculator illustrates the effects of sample size and poll share on the margin of error and corresponding win probability.

**Impossible 2004 National Exit Poll**

This is how the 2004 National Exit Poll was forced to match the recorded vote. Kerry won the state exit poll aggregate (76,000 respondents) by 51.1-47.5% (3.6% margin). The 2004 National Exit Poll (NEP) is a subset of the state polls. The unadjusted NEP showed that Kerry won by a 4.8% margin. But the NEP was adjusted to match the recorded vote with nearly 6 million more returning Bush 2000 voters than were alive in 2004. Bush had 50.5 million recorded votes in 2000. Approximately 2.5 million died, so at most there were 48 million returning Bush voters. But not all returned to vote.

Assuming 98% of living Bush 2000 voters turned out in 2004, then there were 47 million returning Bush voters or 38.4% of the 122.3 million who voted. But according to the adjusted NEP, there were 52.6 million returning Bush voters (43% of the voters). There is a major disconnect here; we have just shown that there were approximately 47 million.

So where did the 5.6 (52.6-47) million Bush voters come from? The bottom line: In order to adjust the National Exit Poll to conform to the recorded vote, there had to be 5.6 million phantom Bush voters. Therefore since the adjusted exit poll was impossible, so was the recorded vote.

`UNADJUSTED 2004 NATIONAL EXIT POLL (13660 RESPONDENTS)`

13660.. Kerry Bush...Other

Sample 7,064 6,414 182

Share 51.71% 46.95% 1.33%

UNADJUSTED 2004 NATIONAL EXIT POLL (12:22am vote shares)

(returning voters based on 2000 recorded vote)

2000........ Voted Mix Kerry Bush Other

New/DNV..... 22,427 17.84% 57.0% 41.0% 2.0%

Gore (48.4%) 49,984 39.75% 91.0% 8.0% 1.0%

Bush (47.9%) 49,451 39.33% 10.0% 90.0% 0.0%

Other (3.75%) 3,874 3.08% 64.0% 17.0% 19.0%

```
``` True Vote 100% 52.2% 46.4% 1.3%

Recorded 100% 48.3% 50.7% 1.0%

2004 TRUE VOTE MODEL (12:22am vote shares)

(returning voters based on 2000 True Vote)

2000 Turnout Mix Kerry Bush Other

DNV. 22.4 17.8% 57% 41% 2%

Gore 52.0 41.4% 91% 8% 1%

Bush 47.4 37.7% 10% 90% 0%

Other 3.9 3.10% 64% 17% 19%

Share 125.7 100% 53.57% 45.07% 1.36%

Votes 125.7 100% 67.36 56.67 1.71

`ADJUSTED 2004 NATIONAL EXIT POLL (final adjusted vote shares)`

(impossible 110% Bush 2000 voter turnout; forced to match recorded vote)

2000 Turnout Mix Kerry Bush Other Alive Turnout

DNV. 20.8 17.0% 54% 44% 2% - -

Gore 45.2 37.0% 90% 10% 0% 48.4 93%

Bush 52.6 43.0% 09% 91% 0% 47.9 110% (impossible turnout)

Other 03.7 03.0% 64% 14% 22% 3.80 97%

Share 122.3 100% 48.27% 50.73% 1.00%

Votes 122.3 100% 59.0 62.0 1.2

**Ohio 2004 presidential election **

Bush won the recorded vote by 50.8-48.7% (119,000 vote margin). In the exit poll, 2020 voters were sampled, of whom 1092 voted for Kerry (54.1%) and 924 for Bush (45.7%). There was a 10.6% discrepancy in margin between the poll and the vote. Given the exit poll result, we can calculate the probability that a) Kerry won the election and b) of Bush getting his recorded vote share.

The Ohio exit poll MoE was 2.8% which means there is a 95.4% probability that Kerry’s True Vote was within 2.8% of his exit poll share (between 51.3% and 56.9%) and a 97.5% probability that it was at least 51.3%. The Normal distribution calculates a 99.8% probability that Kerry won Ohio.

**P = 99.8% = Normdist (.541,.500,.028/1.96, true) **

Bush won Ohio with a 50.8% recorded share – a 5.1% increase (red-shift) over his 45.7% exit poll share. The probability that the 5.1% shift was due to chance is 1 in 4852 (.02%). So which most closely represented how the True Vote: the exit poll or the recorded vote?

**1988 presidential election **

Just 24 state exit polls are listed for 1988 on the Roper Center site, which comprised 68.7 million (75%) of the 91.6 million national recorded votes. Dukakis led the 24-poll aggregate by 51.6-47.3%. Bush won the corresponding recorded vote by 52.3-46.8%, a 9.8% discrepancy. The exit poll MoE was exceeded in 11 of the 24 states – all in favor of Bush (see the summary statistics below).

Dukakis won the unadjusted National Exit Poll by 49.8-49.2%, but Bush won the recorded vote by 53.4-45.6%, a 7 million vote margin. According to the Census, 102.2 million votes were cast and 91.6 million recorded, therefore a minimum of 10.6 million ballots were uncounted. Dukakis had approximately 8 million (75%) of the uncounted votes (see below). That may be one of the reasons why Dukakis won the state and national exit polls and lost the recorded vote.

** Calculating the probabilities**

Given the state recorded vote, exit poll and margin of error for each of 274 elections, we can calculate the probability of the red shift.

The probability P that 55 of 57 exit polls would flip from the Democrats leading in the exit polls to the Republicans winning the recorded vote is given by the Binomial distribution: P= 1-Binomdist(54,57,.5,true)

**P= 1.13E-14 = 0.000000000000011 or 1 in 88 trillion!**

The probability that the exit poll margin of error would be exceeded in any given state is 5% or 1 in 20. Therefore, approximately 14 of the 274 exit polls would be expected to exceed the margin of error, 7 for the Republican and 7 for the Democrat. The Republicans did better in the recorded vote than in the exit polls in 232 of the 274 elections. **The probability of this one-sided red-shift is ZERO.**

* The MoE was exceeded in 131 exit polls in favor of the Republicans. * The Poisson spreadsheet function calculates the probability:

**P = E-116 = Poisson (131, .025*274, false)**

The probability is ZERO. There are 115 zeros to the right of the decimal!

**Sensitivity Analysis**

Sensitivity analysis is an important tool for viewing the effects of alternative assumptions on key results from a mathematical model.

In pre-election polls, the margin of error (MoE) is based strictly on the number of respondents. In exit polls, however, a “cluster factor” is added to the calculated MoE. Therefore, the number of states in which the MoE was exceeded in 1988-2008 (and the corresponding probabilities) is a function of the cluster effect.

The MoE was exceeded in 135 of 274 exit polls assuming a 30% “cluster factor” (the base case). Although 30% is the most common estimate, political scientists and statisticians may differ on the appropriate cluster factor to be used in a given exit poll. Therefore, a sensitivity analysis worksheet of various cluster factor assumptions (ranging from 0% to 200%) is displayed in the 1988-2008 Unadjusted Exit Poll Spreadsheet Reference. The purpose is to determine the number of exit polls in which the MoE was exceeded over a range of cluster factors. Even with extremely conservative cluster factor assumptions, the sensitivity analysis indicates a ZERO probability that the margin of error would be exceeded in the six elections. Were the massive discrepancies due to inferior polling by the most experienced mainstream media exit pollsters in the world? Or are they further mathematical confirmation of systemic election fraud – beyond any doubt?

**Overwhelming Evidence**

The one-sided results of the 375,000 state exit poll respondents over the last six presidential elections leads to only one conclusion: *the massive exit poll discrepancies cannot be due to faulty polling and is overwhelming evidence that systemic election fraud has favored the Republicans in every election since 1988. *

Fraud certainly cost the Democrats at least two elections (2000, 2004) and likely a third (1988). And in the three elections they won, their margin was reduced significantly by election fraud.

To those who say that quoting these impossible probabilities invites derision, that it is overkill, my response is simply this: those are the actual results that the mathematical functions produced based on public data. *The mathematical probabilities need to be an integral part of any election discussion or debate and need to be addressed by media pundits and academics.*

Media polling pollsters, pundits and academics need to do a comparable scientific analysis of historical exit polls and create their own True Vote models. So-called independent journalists need to discuss the devil in the details of systemic election fraud. They can start by trying to debunk the analysis presented here.

**Presidential Summary
Election.. 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 Average
Recorded Vote
Democrat.. 45.7 43.0 49.3 48.4 48.3 52.9 47.9
Republican 53.4 37.4 40.7 47.9 50.7 45.6 46.0**

```
```Unadjusted Aggregate State Exit Polls (weighted by voting population)

Democrat.. 50.3 47.6 52.6 50.8 51.1 58.0 51.7

Republican 48.7 31.7 37.1 44.4 47.5 40.3 41.6

`Unadjusted National Exit Poll`

Democrat.. 49.8 46.3 52.6 48.5 51.7 61.0 51.7

Republican 49.2 33.5 37.1 46.3 47.0 37.2 41.7

**1988-2008 Red-shift Summary (274 exit polls)
The following table lists the
a) Number of states in which the exit poll red-shifted to the Republican,
b) Number of states which red-shifted beyond the margin of error,
c) Probability of n states red-shifting beyond the MoE,
d) Democratic unadjusted aggregate state exit poll share,
e) Democratic recorded share,
f) Difference between Democratic exit poll and recorded share.
**

```
Year RS >MoE Probability.... Exit Vote Diff
1988* 21.. 12... 2.5E-12..... 50.3 45.7 4.6 Dukakis may have won
1992 45.. 27... 1.1E-26..... 47.6 43.0 4.6 Clinton landslide
1996 44.. 19... 2.5E-15..... 52.6 49.3 3.3 Clinton landslide
2000 34.. 17... 4.9E-13..... 50.8 48.4 2.4 Gore win stolen
2004 42.. 23... 3.5E-20..... 51.1 48.3 2.8 Kerry landslide stolen
2008 46.. 37... 2.4E-39..... 58.0 52.9 5.1 Obama landslide denied
Total 232 135.. 3.7E-116.... 51.7 47.9 3.8
* 274 exit polls (24 in 1988, 50 in each of the 1992-2008 elections)
```

The Democrats led the 1988-2008 vote shares as measured by:

1) Recorded vote: 47.9-45.9%

2) Exit Pollster (WPE/IMS): 50.8-43.1%

3) Unadjusted State Exit Polls: 51.7-41.6%

4) Unadjusted National Exit Poll: 51.6-41.7%

True Vote Model (method based on previous election returning voters)

5) Method 1: 50.2-43.4% (recorded vote)

6) Method 2: 51.6-42.0% (allocation of uncounted votes)

7) Method 3: 52.5-41.1% (unadjusted exit poll)

8) Method 4: 53.0-40.6% (recursive True Vote)

The Democrats won the exit poll but lost the recorded vote in the following states. The corresponding decline in electoral votes cost the Democrats to lose the 1988, 2000, 2004 elections:

1988 (7): CA IL MD MI NM PA VT

Dukakis’ electoral vote was reduced from 271 in the exit polls to 112 in the recorded vote. The U.S. Vote Census indicated that there were 10.6 million net uncounted votes in 1988. Since only 24 states were exit polled, a proxy equivalent was estimated for each of the other 26 states by allocating 75% of the uncounted votes to Dukakis. The average 3.47% MoE of the 24 exit polls was assumed for each of the 26 states. Four of the 26 flipped to Bush: CO LA MT SD.

The rationale for deriving the estimate is Method 2 of the 1988-2008 True Vote Model in which 75% of uncounted votes were allocated to the Democrat. The resulting 51.6% average Democratic share (see above) exactly matched the unadjusted exit polls (TVM #3). This article by Bob Fitrakis provides evidence that uncounted votes are heavily Democratic.

1992 (10): AK AL AZ FL IN MS NC OK TX VA

Clinton’s EV flipped from from 501 to 370.

1996 (11): AL CO GA IN MS MT NC ND SC SD VA

Clinton’s EV flipped from 464 to 379.

2000 (12): AL AR AZ CO FL GA MO NC NV TN TX VA (Gore needed just ONE to win)

Gore’s EV flipped from 382 to 267.

2004 (8): CO FL IA MO NM NV OH VA (Kerry would have won if he carried FL or OH)

Kerry’s EV flipped from 349 to 252.

2008 (7): AL AK AZ GA MO MT NE

Obama’s EV flipped from 419 to 365.

**Take the Election Fraud Quiz.**

Election Model Forecast; Post-election True Vote Model

This is a summary of 2004-2012 pre-election projections and corresponding recorded votes, exit polls and True Vote Models.

2004 Election Model

Kerry Projected 51.8% (2-party), 337 EV (simulation mean)

State exit poll aggregate: 51.1-47.6%, 337 EV

National Exit Poll: 51.7-47.0%

Adjusted National Exit Poll (recorded vote): 48.3-50.7%, 255 EV

True Vote Model: 53.6-45.1%, 364 EV

2004 Election Model Graphs

State aggregate poll trend

Electoral vote and win probability

Electoral and popular vote

Undecided voter allocation impact on electoral vote and win probability

National poll trend

Monte Carlo Simulation

Monte Carlo Electoral Vote Histogram

2006 Midterms

Democratic Generic 120-Poll Trend Model: 56.4-41.6%

Unadjusted National Exit Poll: 56.4-41.6%

Wikipedia recorded vote: 57.7-41.8%

Adjusted Final National Exit Poll (recorded vote): 52.2-45.9%

2008 Election Model

Obama Projected: 53.1-44.9%, 365.3 expected EV; 365.8 EV (simulation mean)

State exit poll aggregate: 58.1-40.3%, 420 EV

National Exit Poll: 61.0-37.5%

Adjusted National Exit Poll (recorded vote): 52.9-45.6%, 365 EV

True Vote Model: 58.0-40.4%, 420 EV

2008 Election Model Graphs

Aggregate state polls and projections (2-party vote shares)

Undecided vote allocation effects on projected vote share and win probability

Obama’s projected electoral vote and win probability

Monte Carlo Simulation Electoral Vote Histogram

2010 Midterms Overview

True Vote Model Analysis

2012 Election Model

Obama Projected: 51.6% (2-party), 332 EV snapshot; 320.7 expected; 321.6 mean

Adjusted National Exit Poll (recorded): 51.0-47.2%, 332 EV

True Vote Model 56.1%, 391 EV (snapshot); 385 EV (expected)

Unadjusted State Exit Polls: not released

Unadjusted National Exit Poll: not released

2012 Model Overview

Electoral Vote Trend

Monte Carlo Simulation Electoral Vote Frequency Distribution